Agrarian and Economic Systems
UGC NET HISTORY – Solved PYQs (UNIT 5)
1. Which of the following statements is true? (JUNE 2012)
(1) In Mughal India, cultivation of Indigo was confined to the provinces of Delhi and Agra
(2) Madad-1-Maash grants were made hereditary by Aurangzeb
(3) Altamgha Jagirs were made transferable by Jahangir
(4) Kashmir was brought under the Zabti system of land revenue assessment
Answer: 2
The correct answer is (2) Madad-i-Maash grants were made hereditary by Aurangzeb.
In Mughal India, madad-i-maash grants were revenue-free land grants given mainly to scholars, religious figures, and learned individuals to support their livelihood. During the reign of Aurangzeb, these grants were increasingly recognized as hereditary, meaning that they could be passed down to the grantee’s descendants. This policy reflected Aurangzeb’s inclination toward supporting orthodox religious classes and ensuring their long-term patronage. Over time, such hereditary rights also contributed to the growth of a class of intermediaries who enjoyed tax-free lands.
The other statements are incorrect. Indigo cultivation in Mughal India was not confined only to the provinces of Delhi and Agra; it was widely grown in several regions, especially in Bihar, Bengal, and parts of the Doab, where soil and climatic conditions were suitable. Similarly, altamgha jagirs—which were special revenue assignments often granted to high nobles or religious elites—were generally hereditary and not made transferable by Jahangir; in fact, Mughal policy usually preferred transferability to prevent local entrenchment of power. Lastly, Kashmir was not fully brought under the zabt system of land revenue assessment introduced by Akbar, because its distinct geographical and agrarian conditions required different assessment methods, and the Mughal administration could not strictly apply the standardized system there.
Thus, statement (2) is the correct one.
2. Diwan-i-Khalsa was responsible to look after the (JUNE 2012)
(1) Land under continuous cultivation
(2) Revenue free land granted as rewards
(3) Land under the direct control of the state
(4) Fallow land
Answer: 3
The correct answer is (3) Land under the direct control of the state.
In the Mughal administrative system, the term Khalsa referred to those lands whose revenue was collected directly by the imperial treasury rather than being assigned to nobles or officials as jagirs. The Diwan-i-Khalsa was the officer responsible for supervising and managing these crown lands, ensuring proper assessment and collection of revenue. This office functioned under the broader financial administration headed by the imperial Diwan and played a crucial role in maintaining the fiscal strength of the empire.
Under rulers like Akbar, a clear distinction was maintained between Khalsa land and Jagir land. While jagir lands were assigned to mansabdars in lieu of salary, Khalsa lands remained under direct state control, providing steady income for the central treasury to meet administrative expenses, maintain the royal household, and fund military campaigns. The Diwan-i-Khalsa ensured that these revenues were not siphoned off and that proper records were maintained.
The other options are incorrect because revenue-free lands granted as rewards were known as madad-i-maash or inam lands, not Khalsa. Similarly, continuous cultivation or fallow land refers to agricultural conditions rather than administrative categories. Thus, Diwan-i-Khalsa specifically dealt with lands directly controlled by the Mughal state, making option (3) correct.
3. Which one of the following statements is not correct about Ala-ud-din Khilji? (JUNE 2012)
(1) He established the department called ‘Diwan-i-Kohi’
(2) Ziya-ud-din Barni criticises Ala-ud-din’s taxation policy
(3) Malik Fakhr-ud-din, the Kotwal was loyal to him
(4) His son Qutb-ud-din Mubarak Khalji declared himself the ‘Caliph’
Answer: 1
The correct answer is (1) He established the department called ‘Diwan-i-Kohi’, which is not correct.
Alauddin Khalji is known for his extensive administrative, military, and economic reforms, especially his strict market control measures, revenue reforms in the Doab, and efforts to curb the power of nobles. However, the Diwan-i-Kohi was not established by him; it was introduced later by Muhammad bin Tughlaq as part of his ambitious agricultural reforms to promote cultivation, especially in the Doab region. Thus, attributing this department to Alauddin Khalji is incorrect.
The other statements are correct. The historian Ziauddin Barani, though generally admiring Alauddin’s strong rule, did criticize aspects of his taxation policy, particularly its harshness on peasants and its deviation from Islamic principles. Alauddin imposed heavy land revenue (often up to 50%) and eliminated intermediaries to strengthen state control, which Barani viewed critically from a moral-religious perspective.
Malik Fakhr-ud-din, who served as the Kotwal (chief of police) of Delhi, was indeed loyal to Alauddin and played an important role in enforcing his strict regulations, including market control and maintaining law and order in the राजधानी. His efficiency contributed to the success of Alauddin’s internal administration.
Lastly, Alauddin’s son, Qutb-ud-din Mubarak Shah Khalji, after ascending the throne, declared himself the Caliph (Khalifa), marking a significant departure from earlier Delhi Sultans who nominally acknowledged the authority of the Abbasid Caliph. This reflects the changing nature of sovereignty claims in the Delhi Sultanate.
Thus, statement (1) is the incorrect one.
4. The pivot of the Kingdom of Delhi rests on wheat and barley, while the foundation of the Sultanate of Gujarat rests on corals and pearls, because there are eighty-four ports under this Sultan.’ The above remark is attributed by the author of Mirat-i-Sikandari to (DEC 2012)
(1) Sultan Khizr Khan
(2) Sikandar Lodi
(3) Babur
(4) Humayun
Answer: 2
The correct answer is (2) Sikandar Lodi. This famous observation, recorded by Shaikh Sikandar ibn Muhammad in his 1611 work Mirat-i-Sikandari, captures the contrasting economic foundations of the North Indian heartland and the coastal prosperity of the Gujarat Sultanate. Sikandar Lodi, the second ruler of the Lodi dynasty who founded Agra in 1504, was known for his administrative acumen and his efforts to centralize the power of the Delhi Sultanate. By characterizing Delhi’s pivot as “wheat and barley,” he was acknowledging that the power of the Northern Sultans was rooted in agrarian land revenue and the control of the fertile Doab. Conversely, by describing Gujarat’s foundation as “corals and pearls,” he highlighted the immense wealth Gujarat derived from maritime trade, its control over eighty-four bustling ports (including strategic hubs like Cambay, Surat, and Diu), and its integration into the lucrative Indian Ocean commerce.
This remark reflects the geopolitical reality of the early 16th century, where the Sultanate of Gujarat, particularly under the reign of Mahmud Begarha, had become one of the wealthiest and most formidable regional powers in India. The “eighty-four ports” mentioned in the text is likely a symbolic or traditional figure used in medieval chronicles to denote the vastness and maritime dominance of the Gujarati coastline, which connected India to the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf, and Southeast Asia. While the Delhi Sultanate under the Lodis was a landlocked power focused on consolidating the Afghan nobility and agricultural taxes, Gujarat flourished as a commercial giant that exported fine textiles, indigo, and precious stones. The Mirat-i-Sikandari is considered a primary source for the history of the Gujarat Sultanate, and this specific attribution to Sikandar Lodi underscores the envy and respect with which the contemporary Northern rulers viewed the naval and commercial success of their Western neighbors. Furthermore, Sikandar Lodi himself was a significant reformer who introduced the Gazz-i-Sikandari (a unit of measurement) to standardize land surveys, showing his own deep interest in the agricultural “pivot” of his kingdom.
5. Who amongst the following legalised corruption in the land revenue department? (DEC 2012)
(1) Firuzshah Tughlaq
(2) Sher Shah
(3) Malik Ambar
(4) None of these
Answer: 4
6. Abwab refers to (DEC 2012)
(1) Land revenue claimed by the Muslim authorities
(2) A system of revenue farming
(3) A revenue paying state
(4) Extra legal charges exacted by nobles
Answer: 4
The correct answer is (4) Extra legal charges exacted by nobles.
The term Abwab in medieval Indian revenue administration referred to various additional cesses or illegal exactions imposed over and above the regular land revenue. These were not part of the officially sanctioned revenue demand but were levied by local officials, jagirdars, or intermediaries to extract extra income from peasants. Such charges could take many forms—fees on produce, transit, grazing, or even arbitrary demands—and often became a heavy burden on cultivators.
During the Delhi Sultanate and later under the Mughals, rulers like Alauddin Khalji and Akbar made efforts to abolish or regulate abwab because they led to exploitation and reduced the actual income reaching the state treasury. Akbar’s revenue reforms under Raja Todar Mal emphasized standardization of assessment (zabt) and tried to eliminate unauthorized levies so that peasants would pay only the fixed state demand. Despite such efforts, abwab continued to exist in practice due to the entrenched power of local officials and jagirdars.
Thus, abwab clearly denotes extra-legal imposts imposed on peasants beyond the legitimate land revenue, making option (4) the correct answer.