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Book No. – 22 (Western Political Thought)
Book Name – The Origins of Totalitarianism (Hannah Arendt)
What’s Inside the Chapter? (After Subscription)
1. The Facts of the Case
2. The Third Republic and French Jewry
3. The People and the Mob
4. The Jews and the Dreyfusards
5. The Pardon and Its Significance
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The Dreyfus Affair
Chapter – 4

The Facts of the Case
The Dreyfus Affair occurred in France at the end of 1894.
Alfred Dreyfus, a Jewish officer of the French General Staff, was accused and convicted of espionage for Germany.
The verdict was lifelong deportation to Devil’s Island, adopted unanimously.
The trial was held behind closed doors, and only the “bordereau,” a letter allegedly in Dreyfus’ handwriting to the German military attaché Schwartzkoppen, was shown as evidence.
In July 1895, Colonel Picquart became head of the Information Division of the General Staff.
By May 1896, Picquart was convinced of Dreyfus’ innocence and the guilt of Major Walsin-Esterhazy.
Picquart was removed to a dangerous post in Tunisia six months later.
Bernard Lazare, on behalf of Dreyfus’ brothers, published the first pamphlet: Une erreur judiciaire; La vérité sur l’affaire Dreyfus.
In June 1897, Picquart informed Scheurer-Kestner, Vice-President of the Senate, about Dreyfus’ innocence and trial facts.
In November 1897, Clemenceau began fighting for case re-examination.
Émile Zola joined the Dreyfusards in January 1898, publishing J’Accuse in Clemenceau’s newspaper.
Picquart was arrested at the same time.
Zola was tried for calumny against the army and convicted.
In August 1898, Esterhazy was dishonorably discharged for embezzlement and confessed to forging the “bordereau” under orders from Colonel Sandherr.
Colonel Henry, another officer, admitted to forging parts of the secret dossier and later committed suicide.
The Court of Appeal ordered an investigation of the case following these revelations.
In June 1899, the Court of Appeal annulled the original sentence against Dreyfus.
The revision trial in Rennes in August sentenced Dreyfus to 10 years imprisonment due to “alleviating circumstances.”
A week later, Dreyfus was pardoned by the President of the Republic.
In May 1900, the Chamber of Deputies voted against further revision by an overwhelming majority.
In December 1900, all related trials were ended with a general amnesty.
In 1903, Dreyfus requested a new revision, ignored until Clemenceau became Prime Minister in 1906.
In July 1906, the Court of Appeal annulled the Rennes sentence and acquitted Dreyfus, though legally it should have ordered a new trial.
Dreyfus was never truly acquitted according to the law, and the case was never fully settled.
The French public never fully accepted Dreyfus’ reinstatement, and tensions persisted.
Even in 1908, Dreyfus was attacked publicly, and his assailant was acquitted by a Paris court, which expressed dissent from Dreyfus’ clearance.
The Dreyfus Affair remained a divisive issue in French politics through the World Wars.
The Action Française republished Précis de l’Affaire Dreyfus in 1924 as a reference for Anti-Dreyfusards.
In 1931, the premiere of the play L’Affaire Dreyfus faced violent disruption by Anti-Dreyfusard groups, leading to its suspension.
The government admitted inability to guarantee safe performances, a late triumph for Anti-Dreyfusards.
When Dreyfus died in 1935, the press was divided: leftist papers upheld his innocence, right-wing papers maintained his guilt.
The Dreyfus Affair continued to symbolize political divides; for example, the Petain case was linked to ongoing national division.
The affair tested the 19th century’s ideal of equality before the law and impartial justice.
A miscarriage of justice like Dreyfus’ case caused international outrage, with countries like Czarist Russia and even Germany criticizing France.
The key figures reflected a 19th-century social drama:
Class-conscious generals protecting their clique.
Picquart as the honest and calm whistleblower.
Politicians fearful of exposure.
The morally ambiguous Dreyfus family and lawyer, uncertain and partly self-interested.
The adventurer and forger Esterhazy, who lived by deceit and blackmail.
The impassioned Émile Zola, whose moral fervor fueled the fight for justice.
The passion and social conflicts of the affair were characteristic of the 19th century but survived into the 20th century.
Over time, France lost much of its anticlerical and aristocratic fervor that had fueled the Dreyfusards.
The General Staff’s power grew, shown by later political plots like the Cagoulard affair.
The Catholic Church’s political influence waned, and attempts to make France a Catholic state were blocked by public indifference.
The Dreyfus Affair survived politically in the twentieth century due to two growing elements: hatred of the Jews and suspicion of the republic, Parliament, and state machinery
The public often blamed the Jews and the power of the banks for political issues, fueling Anti-Dreyfusard sentiment
The term Anti-Dreyfusard became synonymous with being antirepublican, antidemocratic, and antisemitic, encompassing groups from Action Française monarchists to National Bolsheviks and social Fascists
Despite their presence, these Fascist groups had minimal influence at the actual time of the Third Republic’s collapse
France fell because it had no true Dreyfusards left who believed in defending democracy, freedom, equality, and justice under the republic
The republic ultimately fell into the hands of the old Anti-Dreyfusard clique, which formed the core of the army
The Petain clique was not a product of German Fascism but adhered slavishly to old formulas from forty years earlier
While Germany destroyed its economy via the demarcation line, Vichy leaders weakened France further by promoting “autonomous provinces”
Vichy introduced anti-Jewish laws faster than any German collaborator, claiming these laws differed essentially from the Nazi Reich’s
Attempts to mobilize the Catholic clergy against Jews failed as the bishops and synods protested vehemently against Jewish persecution
The Dreyfus Affair offers a foretaste of the twentieth century’s inhumanity, unbridled passions, and hate mixed with cold callousness, as noted by Bernanos in 1931
France’s fall to Nazi aggression was partly due to the familiarity and persistence of the anti-republican, antisemitic language exemplified by the Dreyfus Affair
The failure of Caesarism (Action Française) and nihilistic nationalism (Barres and Maurras) was due to lack of social vision and failure to connect with popular sentiment
The focus here is on the political impact of the Dreyfus Affair rather than its legal aspects
The Affair exposed key traits of the twentieth century, which became clearer over time:
After decades of mild anti-Jewish discrimination, it was hard to recall that “Death to the Jews” had once echoed widely in a modern state
Old antisemitic conspiracy legends had faded but were still a part of public discourse even before the Protocols of the Elders of Zion were known
The philosophy of spiritual self-hatred and nihilism waned during times of peace but resurged when conditions favored brutality and violence
Jules Guérin-style quasi-military movements had to wait decades before conditions allowed them to rise again
Economic and social changes produced large groups of disenfranchised (décasés) individuals who later became significant minorities fueling political upheaval
The Dreyfus Affair is more than a scandal; it is a political drama whose real hero is Clemenceau, and whose origins trace back to the Panama scandal, not just the arrest of a Jewish officer
The Affair foreshadows the rise of Nazism and political extremism that played out across Europe