General Introduction

• Niccolo Machiavelli (1469-1527), Italian philosopher, is hailed as the first modern political thinker though not widely recognized as a profound theorist.

• Born in Florence, the center of the Italian Renaissance, he incorporated Renaissance cultural values into political thinking, pioneering this approach.

• Machiavelli developed standards of statesmanship that have been variously interpreted, sometimes misinterpreted, contributing to his complex reputation.

• Son of a civil lawyer, he likely studied under Paolo da Ronciglione and possibly attended the University of Florence, receiving an excellent humanist education informed by Renaissance values.

• Early Florence was under Lorenzo de’ Medici, succeeded by his son Piero de’ Medici; Piero’s expulsion in 1494 led to republican rule during which Machiavelli was initially barred from office due to alleged Medici loyalty.

• In 1498, with regime change, Machiavelli became Second Chancellor of Florence, undertaking about 35 diplomatic missions across Europe, including France, Siena, Cesare Borgia, the Papal Court, and the German Emperor.

• In 1512, after the Medici were restored, Machiavelli was imprisoned briefly for suspected ties to the Soderini family, lost his office, and retired to his farm to focus on writing.

• In 1513, wrote The Prince, addressed to Lorenzo de’ Medici, aiming to regain Medici favor; simultaneously started writing Discourses on Livy, completed in 1517, published posthumously in 1531.

• Machiavelli’s reputation rests mainly on The Prince and Discourses on Livy; some scholars view these as expressing two inconsistent views, while others see them as complementary.

• The Prince offers two sets of conduct rules: one for the prince (ruler), who serves the state’s interest above morality, and another for the people, who should uphold conventional morality sincerely.

• Machiavelli is sometimes called “Devil’s disciple” or “Despot’s tutor” for advocating rulers use cruelty, fear, deception over traditional virtues like justice and mercy (Leo Strauss’s view).

• Contrarily, Benedetto Croce calls Machiavelli a “realist” or “pragmatist”, endorsing the suspension of common ethics in politics, recognizing the separation of moral values from political necessity.

• Ernest Cassirer praises him as a scientist or “Galileo of politics”, distinguishing political facts from moral judgments.

• Michael B. Foster views Machiavelli’s philosophy as morally neutral, providing technical rules for power maintenance, like a handbook of carpentry.

• Quentin Skinner suggests Machiavelli permits deviation from morality only as a last resort; the prince should do good if possible but be prepared to do evil if necessary.

• George H. Sabine argues no real inconsistency exists between The Prince and Discourses on Livy; both analyze the causes of the rise and decline of states and ways to sustain them.

• The Prince focuses on monarchies or absolute governments, while the Discourses focus on the Roman Republic’s expansion.

• Skinner views Machiavelli fundamentally as a republican; the Prince and Discourses are complementary, not contradictory.

• Machiavelli considered the Republic the ideal government, possible only when citizens are virtuous.

• Given the viciousness of people in Italy during his time, Machiavelli found founding a republic impracticable and thus recommended founding a monarchy as a practical alternative in The Prince.

• Machiavelli wrote The Prince primarily to obtain employment under the Medici, focusing on practical advice for rulers rather than praising the republic, which he did in Discourses.

• Both The Prince and Discourses share continuity in Machiavelli’s thought, emphasizing indifference to immoral means for political purposes and belief that government depends on force and craft (Sabine).

• In the Discourses, Machiavelli defends actions like Romulus’s murder of his brother, arguing that good results justify violent acts if done for the benefit of the country.

• He insists that when national safety is at stake, considerations like justice, humanity, cruelty, glory, or shame should be set aside; the priority is saving the life and liberty of the country.

• Despite practical advice for monarchy in The Prince, Machiavelli’s genuine enthusiasm is for popular government, as exemplified by the Roman Republic, which he views as the ideal form of government.

• Machiavelli accepts monarchy only as a pragmatic concession to the circumstances of his time and place.

• His writings focus less on political theory proper and more on the mechanics of government — how to make states strong, expand power, and overcome weaknesses.

• He often sets aside religious, moral, and social considerations if they hinder political success, making him more non-moral than immoral (Sabine).

• Machiavelli’s preference for government forms:

  • First choice: Republic or popular government, to be established where possible.

  • Second choice: Monarchy, if republic is not feasible due to unfit populace.

  • He rejects aristocracy, holding an extremely low opinion of it.

• He argues that the nobility or “gentlemen” who live off their wealth without service are enemies of all civil government, opposing both monarchy and the middle class.