CH10. Ethnographic Profiles of Indian Tribes

The Toda

• Todas are a classic example of polyandry and have been a subject of study since the early 17th century.
• They inhabit the Nilgiri Hills of South India, specifically in the Ootacamund and Kunoor districts of Tamil Nadu and the Kollegal taluk of South Kanara district in Karnataka.
• The Nilgiris are an undulating plateau of about 478 square miles at an elevation of 3000 to 8000 feet.
• The Todas are known for their pastoral economy, particularly their buffalo worship.
• They call themselves Tora and are known to their neighbors as the same.
• Neighbors include the Badaga, Kota, Kurumba, and Irula tribes, with the Todas sharing the highest social status with the Badagas.
• The Nilgiris are rich in flora and fauna, including wild animals like elephant, tiger, leopard, and trees like cedar, satinwood, rosewood, and eucalyptus.
• The Todas have their own dialect but no script, with some words linking them to the Brahuis of Baluchistan.
• The word “Toda” is possibly derived from tudra, the sacred tree of the Todas.
• They have a distinctive physical appearance, with light skin, tall stature, narrow nose, and long beards.
• Their racial affinities are debated, with theories suggesting connections to proto-Aryans, the Ainus of Japan, or Indo-Afghans.
• The origin of the Todas remains a mystery.
• A typical Toda village consists of about six huts for individual families, located near a wood and stream.
• Toda huts are semi-barrel shaped, made of bamboo and thatch, with a narrow entrance.
• Social organization is divided into two moieties: Tarathara and Teivaliol, with strict endogamy.
• The Tarthar moiety owns all the sacred herds and dairies, giving them a higher social status than the Teivali.
• Clans within the moieties are territorial and possess villages named after the chief.
• Clans hold both social and ritual significance, with some moving between villages for ceremonial obligations.
• The basic family unit consists of brothers, their common wife/wives, and children.
• The eldest male holds authority in the family, and the division of labor is gendered, with men handling more significant tasks.
• Males control political, religious, and ceremonial activities, giving them a higher status than females.
• Women have historically been assigned an inferior status, although female infanticide has almost stopped, improving their status.
• Ritual pollution for women is loosening, and the untouchables of the Toda society are gaining acceptance in various social and economic spheres.
• Fraternal polyandry is the most common form of marriage, with monogamy and polygamy also practiced.
• In fraternal polyandry, the eldest brother marries, and others become husbands by custom.
• In cases of non-fraternal polyandry (with clan brothers), the eldest marries the woman, and the others act as visiting husbands.
• These visits for the visiting wife typically last about a month.
• Todas practice child marriage, with marriages sometimes arranged at the age of two or three.
• The bride stays at her parents’ house until puberty, with the marriage settled by the parents.
• A reported but not easily verifiable custom involves the initiation of the bride into sex life before puberty, where a young man from another clan violates her chastity before the marriage.
• After this ceremony, the groom takes the bride to his house with clothes and jewelry.
• This custom implies that women are seen as chattel or commodities, available for use by their husbands.
• Extramarital sex is permitted, and sacred dairymen have a socially sanctioned right to sleep with any woman they choose.
• Some scholars believe the Todas live in a state of promiscuity or free sex, lacking notions of chastity or adultery.
• The Toda descent is traced through father, but biological fatherhood is not important due to polyandry.
• The ‘bow and arrow ceremony’ allows a husband to assume sociological fatherhood by gifting the wife a bow and arrow during the seventh month of pregnancy.
• Toda children are considered children of the whole clan, not of a specific father, and all husbands treat the children equally.
• The bow and arrow ceremony is a vital social and ritual practice; a woman delivering without it is considered shameful.
• Divorce is freely permitted, with laziness or foolishness as common grounds, unlike other tribes where barrenness or adultery may be causes.
• A man divorcing his wife must pay a fine of one buffalo to her parents and may retrieve any buffaloes given as funeral contributions.
• The Toda kinship system is classificatory, meaning terms like father or mother also refer to paternal uncles, husbands of maternal aunts, and other males in the father’s clan.
• The names of father-in-law and mother-in-law are prohibited from being spoken, and respect is shown by prostratingand touching feet of male kinsmen.
• The Todas have elaborate rules for property and inheritance, recognizing individual, family, and clan ownership.
• Movable property, like clothes, ornaments, and household items, belong to individuals, while sacred buffaloes belong to the clans.
• Inheritance follows a patrilineal system, where only sons inherit their father’s property.
• When a man dies in debt, his liabilities are divided equally among his sons, and an extra buffalo is given to the eldest and youngest sons.
• The Toda political system lacks a tribal chief; instead, governance is by a council of five elders, with three membersfrom the Tarthar clans, one from the Teivali clan, and the fifth from the Badagas.
• The council has limited power in criminal cases and focuses on civil disputes. It is often influenced by bribery or intimidation.
• Each clan has informal heads, and each family has a head responsible for clan expenses.
• Although some Todas have converted to Christianity, the majority still follow their tribal religion, which is polytheistic.
• Key deities include Teikirzi (supreme goddess) and On (ruler of the world of the dead), with additional deities associated with hilltops and rivers.
• Dairies serve as temples for the Todas, with dairymen acting as priests, and their importance varies.
• The Todas practice divination and sorcery and have elaborate rituals for cremating the dead, including buffalo sacrifices.
• The flesh of the sacrificial animals is not eaten but given away to others.
• Todas have been slow to adapt to the changing environment of predatory competition and exploitation in the Nilgiris.
• Their economy revolves around buffaloes, and they do not practice agriculture, horticulture, or crafts.
• They do not engage in hunting or fishing, which are common in other economies.
• The Todas are vegetarians, and occasionally gather roots, fruits, and tubers as a supplement to their milk-based diet.
• The Kotas, Badagas, Kurumbas, and Irulas are their neighboring tribes, with a strong interdependence.
• The Kotas live symbiotically with the Todas, working as blacksmiths and musicians, providing tools and musical services in exchange for carcasses and butter.
• The Badagas are agriculturalists, mainly growing potatoes, and are highly ambitious and prosperous.
• The Kurumbas serve as agricultural laborers for the Badagas due to their lower social status.
• The Irulas are on the periphery of the Toda social and economic life and do not play a significant role in the symbiosis.
• Buffaloes are the economic and social backbone of the Todas, treated with great reverence.
• A household usually owns 8-12 buffaloes of a special variety.
• Ordinary buffaloes are cared for by boys and men, while sacred buffaloes are kept in sanctified dairies and handled with rituals.
• Dairy operations are a male domain due to the belief that females are ritually impure. Women cannot touch the buffaloes or even walk on the paths used by sacred buffaloes.
• Dairymen are elevated to the position of priests, entering this role after a lengthy ordination process.
• The Todas live, think, and act in relation to buffaloes, starting their day by grazing buffaloes and performing milking operations in the evening.
• They sell milk products to people in the plains through the Badagas, who act as intermediaries.
• Their staple diet consists of milk products, vegetables, and food grains, with an occasional consumption of deer’s flesh.
• Unlike other tribes, the Todas are not addicted to alcohol, opium, or narcotics, but are addicted to whey.
• The primary problem of the Todas is their declining population, caused by diseases, particularly venereal diseases, and female infanticide.
• Venereal diseases were introduced by European and Indian tourists during the British rule when the Nilgiris became a health resort.
• With the help of medical agencies, the spread of diseases has stopped, and the Todas can look forward to a better future.
• The Toda land, the Wenlock Downs near Ootacamund, was historically owned by the Todas, who were lords of the land.
• In 1822, the collector of Ootacamund had to buy land from the Todas for constructing bungalows.
• With the arrival of European settlers and the process of land alienation, the government created the Todapatta Land Policy, reserving land for pastoral purposes.
• When land came under the forest department, the Todas began to lose their control over land, becoming absentee landlords.
• The Badagas leased the land, while the Todas retained agricultural rights under the Patta system.
• The Todas demand permanent land allotment due to their psychological attachment and religious beliefs regarding the Wenlock Downs.
• The Toda people are reluctant to migrate or move away from cattle herding.
• There is a need for imaginative planning and purposeful assistance to make cattle herding a more profitable and rewarding venture for the Todas.

The Chenchu

• The Chenchus are a tribal group in Andhra Pradesh whose economy has not changed significantly for thousands of years.
• They live on both sides of the Krishna River, with the Nallamala Forests to the south and a rugged plateau to the north.
• The majority of Chenchus are found in Mehboobnagar, Kumool, and Prakasham districts.
• They are one of the largest food-gathering tribes, depending on wild roots, tubers, fruits, honey, yam, and small game.
• Despite the transition from food gathering to food producing economies, the Chenchus have resisted change and maintained their reliance on the old ways.
• Some Chenchus have become settled cultivators and adopted the economic and cultural patterns of neighboring plains people.
• Chenchus are of medium stature with complexions ranging from wheatish to light brown.
• They are classified as part of the Australoid racial stock but also show negrito characteristics.
• The Chenchus speak a corrupt dialect of Dravidian origin.
• Their settlements used to be entirely nomadic, but now they live in semi-permanent thatched huts, often shifting settlements every few years.
• The huts are small and conical with leaves touching the ground, and have a very low entrance.
• A typical settlement contains 2-15 houses, with families occupying individual huts.
• For new settlements, they prefer hill slopes or high ridges to spot enemies from a distance, and avoid settling near water sources to protect against wild animals.
• Chenchus are divided into exogamous clans with animal totems, and killing or eating the totem animal is forbidden.
• The nuclear family is the most common family structure, consisting of husband, wife, and unmarried children.
• In matters of family life, both husband and wife have equal rights, but the husband usually owns all the property, indicating a patriarchal system.
• Residence is generally patrilocal, though matrilocal residence is common right after marriage.
• Child marriage is not common, and spouses are usually chosen from outside the clan, though in some cases, from the mother’s clan.
• Preference is often given to a mother’s brother’s daughter as a life partner.
• Marriage is arranged, but the wishes of the bride and groom are considered.
• Chenchu girls enjoy freedom before marriage and often engage in courtship during festive seasons, though these relationships are kept private.
• The groom’s side usually initiates the marriage, but the bride’s side may also take the first step.
• A groom’s primary responsibilities are to provide a Sari, Choli for the bride, and a Choli for the mother-in-law, along with a communal feast, which can financially burden him.
• Conjugal bonds are fragile, with frequent divorces and the freedom for women to choose or leave their partners.
• If a woman divorces, the husband may demand the return of the money spent on the marriage.
• Divorced women are not allowed to remarry during their former husband’s lifetime, but they may live with any person of their choice without formal marriage.
• Polygyny is permitted, but monogamy is the most common practice.
• There is a deep suspicion of blood relatives, especially brothers, during activities like hunting or honey collection, preferring to work with affinal kin.
• The Chenchus have an elderman institution, with a Peddamanshi serving as the traditional leader.
• The Peddamanshi‘s authority is loose, and he acts as a representative, priest, and settles minor disputes with other elders.
• The position of Peddamanshi is hereditary, but any respected elderly male can be appointed by consensus.
• Under Chenchu social organization, only movable property is owned individually; immovable property like land, forests, and trees are under communal ownership with equal rights for all members.
• With the enactment of forest laws, the situation has changed, and now everyone must follow these regulations.
• The Chenchus have a simple system of religious beliefs and practices, influenced by cultural contacts with neighboring Hindus.
• Bhairavi is their most popular local deity, receiving offerings from hunted animals.
• Garelamaisama is the supreme goddess for Chenchus who still rely entirely on hunting and gathering. She gives strength and skill for successful hunting.
• Their religion lacks festivals and elaborate rituals.
• Traditionally, Chenchus bury their dead, but due to Hindu influence, some now cremate their deceased, especially those living near the plains.
• The Chenchus depend primarily on what nature provides, with an economic system based on hunting and food gathering.
• They have developed a mindset where saving for the future is foreign, leading to a carefree, hand-to-mouth existence.
• The changing seasons bring changes in their lifestyle: gathering roots, collecting fruits, and hunting depending on the time of year.
• In the morning, a Chenchu wakes up with almost no food, and, with their spouse, goes to the forest to collect roots and fruits.
• After a couple of years, males and females segregate into small groups of 3-6 persons for food gathering.
• Their staple vegetarian diet includes fruits, tamarind, and mahua.
• In summer, when bushes and leaves dry up, it becomes difficult to find edible roots and tubers, so they turn to hunting.
• The surrounding forests are rich in fauna, but Chenchus are not skilled hunters, making it difficult to meet their needs.
• They hunt small animals like birds, hares, squirrels, and black monkeys using bows and arrows and chase them with sticks and stones.
• After hunting, they make a fire and roast the animal, eating it on the spot with its skin on.
• Occasionally, they bring some parts home, but hunting is often limited to immediate consumption.
• The Chenchus use sharp stone pieces as weapons to hunt birds and squirrels.
• The Indian monitor lizard (Udumu) is a favorite prey, especially during the rainy season, when they use sticks to break its back and eat it as a delicacy.
• Some Chenchu groups have started domesticating dogs to assist in hunting.
• They have no hesitation in eating stale or decomposed meat found as leftovers, especially in times of scarcity.
• Some Chenchus have also begun domesticating cattle like cows, buffaloes, and goats, but they rarely keep them long, selling them for subsistence.
• Fishing is another mode of subsistence, though it’s limited because few villages are near rivers or streams.
• Traditional fishing methods involve poisoning using powder from a local tree mixed with sand and moth.
• In modern times, Chenchus have started using hook and rod fishing techniques where possible.
• Honey is an important item in the Chenchu diet. They are very skilled at handling honeycombs hanging from trees and cliffs.
• When they find a honeycomb, they eat it entirely, including the wax and nascent bees.
• They have gained expertise in finding honey, knowing exactly where, when, and how to locate it.
• The budding season of Mahua brings great joy and ecstasy, and the flowers are gathered eagerly throughout the year.
• Much of the Mahua is eaten after boiling, and the remainder is used to brew liquor.
• Mahua liquor transforms their otherwise dull existence into one of celebration, where they engage in dancing and merry-making.
• Despite the variety of food, their diet is nutritionally inadequate, lacking essential nutrients like Vitamin A and Calcium.
• Their intake of cereals during summers and leaves during rains is satisfactory, but consumption of oil, sugar, jaggery, vegetables, and milk products is negligible.
• Malnutrition is common due to the imbalanced diet.
• The Chenchus are still in the food gathering stage but are no longer geographically or culturally isolated.
• They are caught in a dilemma, unable to fully rely on forest resources due to depletion, forest laws, population increase, and competition from non-tribals.
• They cannot completely switch to farming or other livelihoods like agriculture, animal husbandry, or cottage industries.
• With the adoption of clothing and the need for better tools and implements, economic pressure is mounting.
• Since they lack cash, they have to offer forest produce like honey and Mahua, and later their cattle in exchange.
• As demands grew, many Chenchus were forced to offer their labour and some became beasts of burden for contractors.
• The Chenchus’ worldview lacks a vision for the future, preferring a carefree, hand-to-mouth existence, which has been exploited by technologically advanced and unscrupulous neighbors.
• A lack of cooperation within the community is also a problem; they work individually instead of collectively, even during food gathering and hunting.
• Since Independence, numerous tribal welfare programs have been launched, but no significant progress has been made for the Chenchus.
• Due to their small population and scattered settlements, no tribal development blocks were established in their areas.
• New development schemes have been initiated for the Chenchus after they were recognized as a primitive tribe, but tangible results are still lacking.
• Forest cooperatives in their area have failed, though the Chenchu Cooperative Society, managed by the forest department, still exists in name.
• Attempts in the 1940s to encourage them to settle, take up agriculture, animal husbandry, and cottage industrieswere unsuccessful, as the Chenchus lost their lands through alienation and returned to the forests.
• A more careful and imaginative approach is needed in planning, considering their cultural ethos, worldview, and value system.
• Their hope seems to lie in taking up agriculture, though they have not yet shown strong interest or zeal for it.