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Book No. – 23 (Western Political Thought)
Book Name – The Social Contract and The First and Second Discourses (Jean-Jacques Rousseau)
What’s Inside the Chapter? (After Subscription)
1. Rousseau’s Discourse on Inequality
2. A New Kind of Social Contract
3. Democracy Without Pluralism
4. Rousseau in the Age of Revolution
5. The French Revolution
6. The Madisonian Vision
7. Majority Rules Without Checks and Balances
8. Conflict and Community
9. Chronology of Rousseau’s Life
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Introduction: Rousseau’s Political Triptych

The willful burning of a library is considered one of the most shocking, hateful, and infamous acts against human civilization.
In 1750, Jean-Jacques Rousseau praised Caliph Omar for ordering the burning of the Alexandria library in 650, seeing it as a step toward ignorance, innocence, and poverty.
Rousseau argued in The Discourse on the Sciences and Arts that the search for knowledge was morally and socially destructive.
He believed that cultural and material regression was necessary for society’s movement toward morality.
The Enlightenment’s rational enterprise was under fierce attack by Rousseau, who challenged its core values.
Eighteenth-century French intellectuals aimed to dismantle traditional society, questioning supernatural dogmas, monarchy, aristocracy, and Catholicism.
They sought a rational society based on equality, freedom, and happiness, viewing life as an intellectual adventure.
Rousseau was initially part of this culture, collaborating with figures like Voltaire, Rameau, Diderot, Marivaux, and Fontenelle in the world of salons.
Despite his participation, Rousseau harbored bitterness and resentment due to personal failures and feelings of being undermined.
He concluded that the Enlightenment world was superficial, corrupt, and cruel behind its splendid façade.
Rousseau condemned the entire Enlightenment project as a lie and a symptom of moral decline.
He saw its accomplishments as a veneer masking societal decay and inequality.
The quest for knowledge had become a superficial luxury reinforcing self-indulgence and decay rather than serving society.
Rousseau lamented the loss of citizenship virtues, noting people had become “happy slaves” who preferred high culture’s glitter over true freedom and happiness.
He criticized society’s skepticism and vain inquiry as distractions from meaningful life and core values.
Rousseau believed people lacked understanding of magnanimity, equity, temperance, humanity, courage, fatherland, and God.
Society was overwhelmed by pretension, affectation, and deceit, eroding values like self-sacrifice, sincere friendships, and love of country.
He argued that science and philosophy inherently conflicted with the needs of a vigorous, patriotic society.
While science fosters doubt and undermines faith and virtue, society requires assent to foundational principles.
Rousseau believed the intellectual’s role was to offer radical social and political overhaul and moral regeneration, not incremental reforms or fame.
He envisioned a Spartan-like society valuing rules, discipline, sacrifice, strength, courage, and self-discipline over vain intellectual pursuits.
Virtue, from the Latin vir meaning “man,” implied moral goodness coupled with strength and self-sacrifice.
Rousseau did not literally call for burning libraries but saw sciences and arts as useful only in the hands of a few great geniuses like Bacon, Descartes, and Newton.
In a corrupt society, such geniuses might guide humanity and bring some true enlightenment.
Rousseau’s essay won first prize in the Dijon Academy’s 1750 contest on whether sciences and arts improved morality.
The Discourse became a bestseller, shocking and fascinating readers with its contrarian viewpoint and revival of Spartan virtues.
Earlier critics like La Rochefoucauld and Montesquieu had also criticized luxury and wealth for eroding civic and political virtue.
Rousseau’s critique was more consistent, ambitious, and psychologically acute than other philosophes.
His work planted the seeds for a world-historical Revolution challenging Western society’s foundations.
The “paradoxes” of his discourse were described as exploding like a bombshell by John Stuart Mill.
Lord Acton praised Rousseau’s influence as greater than that of Aristotle, Cicero, Augustine, or Aquinas.
Among Enlightenment philosophers, Rousseau had the most profound and enduring impact on the French Revolution and modern democratic liberation movements.
He was the most radical and utopian political theorist of his era.
Paradoxically, Rousseau’s ideas also laid groundwork for 20th-century totalitarian states, one-party democracies, and excessive communitarianism.
Rousseau’s Discourse on Inequality
Three years after his First Discourse, Rousseau entered another intellectual competition by the Dijon Academy on the origins of inequality.
His work, Discourse on the Origin and Foundation of Inequality Among Mankind (1753), also called the Second Discourse, is pivotal to his thought.
It connects the critique of eighteenth-century society’s decadence and corruption from his First Discourse with his future political ideas in The Social Contract.
Rousseau questioned why inequality had become so deeply rooted and widely accepted across both poor and rich people.
To analyze inequality, Rousseau acted as a theoretical anthropologist, imagining human life in a “state of nature” before society and social relations corrupted human behavior.
Rousseau acknowledged that the state of nature might never have existed but considered it a necessary theoretical tool to evaluate the present.
He imagined humans stripped of all social traits, language, habits, emotions, and values—revealing the “bare bones” of humanity.
Unlike Hobbes, who saw the state of nature as “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short”, Rousseau depicted it as a dormant period where people were free, equal, mostly solitary, and neither cooperative nor in conflict.
People lived in the present, driven by spontaneous needs and desires, experiencing harmony with nature as their needs were immediately met.
These early humans had a natural instinct of pity and survival, but their moral and rational faculties were mostly dormant; no love, friendship, family, speech, or thought disturbed their solitude.
Rousseau used the state of nature as a standard to compare and critique the corrupt and unequal present condition of society.
This vision supported Rousseau’s belief in human perfectibility, arguing society, not human nature, causes corruption and inequality.
Given humans’ rational and ethical potential, Rousseau believed it was possible to chart a better social, political, and moral future, not backward but forward toward a rational, social, moral Eden.
Rousseau theorized that early humans began working and collaborating occasionally, forming family units with patriarchal authority, but without private property yet.
Families were small, affectionate societies united by liberty and mutual love; this was a golden age marked by relative happiness and evolving social rituals and morality.
The fall from this tranquil state began with the realization that humans could transform nature through rational effort and work.
This unleashed new intellectual energy, disrupting the simplicity and harmony between needs and desires in the state of nature.
The concept of division of labor emerged, ending self-sufficiency and introducing technological advances like agriculture and metallurgy.
Alongside these, the idea of private property arose, leading to competition, accumulation of wealth, and the rise of ambition and greed.
Production started exceeding needs, fueling a hunger for luxury goods and marking the defeat of equality by selfishness and desire.
Economic inequality was worsened by a new form of psychological inequality as people acquired wealth and began comparing themselves to others.
Rousseau saw the quest for esteem as essentially a desire for inequality and social distinction.
The American theorist Thorstein Veblen later called this phenomenon “conspicuous consumption.”
Rousseau noted that seeking prestige caused individuals to become alienated from themselves, valuing others’ opinions over their own authenticity.
People began to live to appear rather than to be, sacrificing authenticity, equality, and compassion.
The disappearance of equality, rise of social divisions, unequal property distribution, and isolation of the rich from the poor led to exploitation, violence, and disorder.
Rousseau stated that avarice, wickedness, and ambition arose as natural compassion and justice were stifled.
At this point, Rousseau’s view converges with Hobbes’: society degenerates into a war of all against all.
A rich, powerful individual proposes a social contract offering order, security, peace, and justice in exchange for loss of freedom.
The rich desire law and order to protect their possessions peacefully, while the weak accept inequality and chains.
This social contract is founded on deception and exploitation, where might makes right.
People become fully enslaved by obedience to rulers, personal ambition, vanity, and desires for luxury and admiration.
Rousseau envisioned a collapse into political intrigue, factions, civil strife, and the disintegration of legitimate government.
Leaders become hereditary rulers, social fabric dissolves, and natural pity is extinguished.
The final stage of inequality is despotism, with a master-slave political relationship replacing that of powerful and weak.
Society descends into complete human degradation and corruption, with people solitary and atomized as in the state of nature.
Now, equality exists because people are all nothing, ruled only by the arbitrary will of the master.
Life becomes nasty and brutish again, but unlike Hobbes, this degradation is at the end of social development, not the beginning.
The Second Discourse ends with a violent vision of revolution, where force both upholds and overturns rulers.
Rousseau believed revolution might bring radical change, but only with a profound rethinking of the social contract and social relations.
He upheld the Enlightenment idea of human perfectibility, believing moral and rational faculties can be nurtured to allow human flourishing.
Although society has made humans unequal, alienated, and enslaved, it is possible to restructure social and political institutions on a radically different basis.
Rousseau’s next work, The Social Contract, aims to move away from the catastrophic vision toward a new utopian future.
Rousseau’s project parallels Christian stages of Eden, Fall, and Redemption, where:
The Fall is the move from the benign state of nature to a period of corruption and degradation.
Redemption is not supernatural but achieved through rational and human political solutions.
His Social Contract seeks to create a moral, consensual polity assuring freedom, equality, and fostering simple Spartan virtue.